Quotes by Glenn Greenwald

I know its a really hard concept to process, but the fact that Govt accuses someone of being a Terrorist doesnt mean they are.

Theyre called facts, and my role is to amplify those, not cheerlead. And I dont care at all what you think of my motives.

Fearlessness can be its own form of power.

When journalists are accused of being advocates, that means: challenging and deviating from DC orthodoxies.

It is hard to imagine having a government more secretive than the United States. Virtually everything that government does, of any significance, is conducted behind an extreme wall of secrecy. The very few leaks that we’ve had over the last decade are basically the only ways that we’ve had to learn what our government is doing.

Id like to vote for the candidate similar to the one the Right absurdly claims Obama is.

A number Id love to know: the % of those now saying we have to vote Obama to stop an attack on Iran who will support one if Obama does it.

Very few people use landline phones for much of anything. So when you talk about things like online chat and social media messages and emails, what youre really talking about is the full extent of human communication.

It is true that the Internet can be used to disseminate falsehoods quickly, but it just as quickly roots them out and exposes them in a way that the traditional model of journalism and its closed, insular, one-way form of communication could never do.

The virtue of gay equality has become increasingly recognized in the U.S. because people have been persuaded of its merits, not because state officials, acting like Inquisitors, forced people to accept it by punishing them for their refusal.

Ive praised Obamas record on same-sex equality as enthusiastically as anyone: its one area where his record has been impressive. I understand, and have expressed, the emotional importance for LGBT Americans of his marriage announcement as well as its political significance.

The American Right has an amazing ability to lionize leaders whose lives are the precise antithesis of the political values that define their image.

An elite class that is free to operate without limits - whether limits imposed by the rule of law or fear of the responses from those harmed by their behavior - is an elite class that will plunder, degrade, and cheat at will, and act endlessly to fortify its own power.

It shouldnt take extreme courage and a willingness to go to prison for decades or even life to blow the whistle on bad government acts done in secret. But it does. And that is an immense problem for democracy, one that all journalists should be united in fighting.

Theres a perennial debate about whether the propagandistic tripe produced by establishment media outlets is shaped more by evil or by stupidity. Personally, I think its both: a healthy dose of each is needed. The system design is malicious, while those who serve as its public face are generally vacant.

Embedded in The New York Times institutional perspective and reporting methodologies are all sorts of quite debatable and subjective political and cultural assumptions about the world. And with some noble exceptions, The Times, by design or otherwise, has long served the interests of the same set of elite and powerful factions.